Israeli-Palestinian Water Rights - Free Essay Example

Sample details Pages: 6 Words: 1827 Downloads: 9 Date added: 2017/06/26 Category Law Essay Type Narrative essay Did you like this example? The Israeli-Palestinian bilateral negotiations in the 1990s resulted in three signed agreements that related, inter alia, to water: the Declaration of Principles of September 1993; the Cairo Agreement of May 1994 (Oslo I); and the Interim Agreement of September 1995 (Oslo II).[1] Oslo II included Article 40 à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã¢â‚¬Å" Water and Sewage.[2] These agreements, like all agreements relating to the Oslo process were in favor of Israel and in prejudice to all Palestinian rights, including water rights. First, they neglected the Palestinian water rights in the Jordan River which is a trans-boundary river,[3] and were geographically limited to only those parts of the Mountain Aquifer that underlie the West Bank, while the other water resources in the OPT remained under unilateral Israeli management.[4] Second, the agreements were about the Palestinian use of water inside the West Bank and gave Israel the veto over any water development projects through the Joint Wat er Committee (JWC),[5] which was established according to the Oslo II to implement the agreement and govern management of aquifers shared by Israel and Palestinians.[6] Third, although they recognized the Palestinian water rights, the terms were broad and there was no elaboration on the nature of these rights or the principles governing the rights and obligations of both sides.[7] While Israel has in principle recognized Palestinian water rights, its conduct suggests otherwise, and the Oslo Accords did not result in greater access for the Palestinians to the water resources of the OPT.[8] The agreements stipulated that Israel would provide an additional 70-80 MCM/Y in order to satisfy future Palestinian needs.[9] However, of this quantity which was supposed to be provided by Israel, only 28.6 MCM/Y has been received by Palestinians, who were allowed to extract this quantity from the eastern aquifer over which Israel has no claim.[10] In fact, Palestinian water supplies have dropp ed from 118 MCM/Y prior to the Oslo Accords to 98 MCM/Y in 2010.[11] Water is inherent in each issue to be discussed in the permanent status negotiations, which were supposed to be completed by May 1999, be it borders, settlements, Jerusalem or the viability of the Palestinian state.[12] The Oslo process did not come close to fulfilling Palestinian water rights and needs or meeting the Palestinian call for the implementation of international law to solve such a dispute.[13] They even perpetuated Israels control over water resources in the OPT. . Don’t waste time! Our writers will create an original "Israeli-Palestinian Water Rights" essay for you Create order 2.2.1. The Role of the JWC Under article 40 of Oslo II, which pertains to water and sewage management in the West Bank, any water project implemented in the West Bank must receive prior unanimous approval from the Joint Water Committee (JWC), which comprises representatives of both the Israeli Water Authority and the Palestinian Authority (PA).[14] The JWCs role is to implement Article 40, including water allocation and project appraisal, but only in the West Bank.[15] The PA must obtain the JWCs consent even for projects responding to emergency water needs.[16] Israel, through the JWC, not only refuses projects on a technical level but also uses its power of veto as a political bargaining chip.[17] In order to avoid the Israelà ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã¢â€ž ¢s veto, the PA must often compromise its core principles and long-term interests.[18] When seeking to acquire approval for projects that are necessary to mitigate ongoing and imminent humanitarian crises, the PA must frequently agree to service illegal Israeli sett lements in the West Bank.[19] For instance, in 1998, the Palestinian Water Authority received funding from KfW (the German government-owned development bank) to build a wastewater treatment plant in the Salfit Governorate.[20] The JWC made approval of the project conditional upon connecting the largest West Bank settlement, Ariel, to the treatment plant.[21] The Palestinian Water Authority rejected any act recognizing settlements, so the project was frozen and the donor withdrew.[22] Israel has frustrated Palestinian water sector development in the West Bank through its de facto veto authority over all West Bank water projects by the JWC and the Civil Administration.[23] Whilst theoretically Israelis and Palestinians are given equal rights and responsibilities under the JWC, the JWC de facto discriminates against Palestinians.[24] This is primarily because the Palestinians are the party that needs major infrastructure development in the water and sanitation sector that has been b adly neglected by the occupation authorities since 1967.[25] As of July 2008, 145 Palestinian projects were pending the JWCs approval, including projects to rehabilitate old water supply networks, build new pipelines to connect communities un-served by the water network, and build cisterns for rainwater harvesting.[26] All proposed water projects in the West Bank must receive approval from the Israeli representatives in the JWC, while there is no analogous check on projects proposed by Israeli authorities within that countryà ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã¢â€ž ¢s own borders or inside the West Bank although article 40 requires Israeli authorities and settlements in the West Bank to obtain prior approval from the JWC.[27] In addition, the absence of a dispute resolution mechanism leaves the Palestinians without recourse to challenge JWCs rejection of their proposals.[28] Israels control of extraction of water from the shared aquifers is not limited to its veto power in the JWC over new drillings.[29] In addition to receiving the JWCs approval, all proposed water projects that could impact Area C (a geographic region encompassing roughly sixty percent of the West Bank which is under full Israeli control according to the Oslo Accords) must obtain the Israeli Civil Administrations approval.[30] Obtaining the Civil Administrations approval entails a lengthy and protracted bureaucratic process and many Palestinian applications are rejected.[31] In many cases, project proposals receive approval from the JWC, but they are rejected by the Civil Administration as presenting a security risk, among other reasons.[32] Even if the Civil Administration agrees to authorize a proposal, it may require certain modifications of the original plan, which the PA must then re-submit for approval by the JWC.[33] When projects may ultimately win approval from both the JWC and Civil Administration, the lengthy process and procedural barriers obstruct and delay development of the Palestinian water sector in the West Bank.[34] Of the 236 projects overall approved by the JWC 1996-2008, 151 have been implemented.[35] Israel wants the JWC to continue as a permanent institution. It wants to force the Palestinians through the JWCs measures to reduce agricultural water, to stop drilling additional wells, and not to impact the current Israeli utilization of water.[36] In conclusion, the mechanism created by Oslo II in the form of the JWC has perpetuated Israels exclusive control over the water resources of the West Bank, and limited Palestinian access and ability to develop new water projects.[37] In reality, the Oslo II water regime maintained of Israelà ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã¢â€ž ¢s exclusive control over e water resources in the OPT.[38] The Palestinians are systematically denied building and/or drilling permits for water structures, while Mekorot is allowed to drill into water sources in a manner that dries out existing wells that serve the Palestinian population.[39] [1] BTselem, Thirsty For A Solution The Water Crisis In The Occupied Territories And Its Resolution In The Final-Status Agreement (2000) 51. [2] Al Haq, Water for One People: Discriminatory Access and Water Apartheid in the OPT (2013)35. [3] Amjad Aliewi, Management Aspects of Transboundary Waters between Palestinians and Israel (House of Water and Environment 2008) 1 [4] Al Haq, Water for One People: Discriminatory Access and Water Apartheid in the OPT (2013)36. [5] Amjad Aliewi, Management Aspects of Transboundary Waters Between Palestinians And Israel (House of Water and Environment 2008) 1. [6] Jeffrey D. Stein, Waging Waterfare: Israel, Palestinians, and the Need for a New Hydro-Logic to Govern Water Rights under Occupation (2011) 44 NYU International Law and Politics, 181. [7] Elizabeth G Matthews, The Israel-Palestine Conflict (Routledge 2011) 128. [8] Al Haq, Water for One People: Discriminatory Access and Water Apartheid in the OPT (2013) 36 [9] D avid B Brooks and Ozay Mehmet, Water Balances in the Eastern Mediterranean (IDRC 2000) 79. [10] David B Brooks and Ozay Mehmet, Water Balances in the Eastern Mediterranean (IDRC 2000) 79. [11] Al Haq, Water for One People: Discriminatory Access and Water Apartheid in the OPT (2013) 36. [12] Elizabeth G Matthews, The Israel-Palestine Conflict (Routledge 2011) 129. [13] Elizabeth G Matthews, The Israel-Palestine Conflict (Routledge 2011) 130. [14] Jeffrey D. Stein, Waging Waterfare: Israel, Palestinians, and the Need for a New Hydro-Logic to Govern Water Rights under Occupation (2011) 44 NYU International Law and Politics, 181. [15] World Bank, Assessment of and Restrictions on Palestinian Water Sector Development (2009) 51. [16] Jeffrey D. Stein, Waging Waterfare: Israel, Palestinians, and the Need for a New Hydro-Logic to Govern Water Rights under Occupation (2011) 44 NYU International Law and Politics, 181. [17] Centre on Housing Rights and Evictions, Polici es of Denial: Lack of Access to Water in the West Bank (2008) 22. [18] Jeffrey D. Stein, Waging Waterfare: Israel, Palestinians, and the Need for a New Hydro-Logic to Govern Water Rights under Occupation (2011) 44 NYU International Law and Politics, 181. [19] Jeffrey D. Stein, Waging Waterfare: Israel, Palestinians, and the Need for a New Hydro-Logic to Govern Water Rights under Occupation (2011) 44 NYU International Law and Politics, 181. [20] Centre on Housing Rights and Evictions, Policies of Denial: Lack of Access to Water in the West Bank (2008) 22. [21] Centre on Housing Rights and Evictions, Policies of Denial: Lack of Access to Water in the West Bank (2008) 22 [22] World Bank, Assessment of and Restrictions on Palestinian Water Sector Development (2009) 41. [23] Jeffrey D. Stein, Waging Waterfare: Israel, Palestinians, and the Need for a New Hydro-Logic to Govern Water Rights under Occupation (2011) 44 NYU International Law and Politics, 181. [24] Centre on Housing Rights and Evictions, Policies of Denial: Lack of Access to Water in the West Bank (2008) 21. [25] Centre on Housing Rights and Evictions, Policies of Denial: Lack of Access to Water in the West Bank (2008) 21-22. [26] Centre on Housing Rights and Evictions, Policies of Denial: Lack of Access to Water in the West Bank (2008)22. [27] Jeffrey D. Stein, Waging Waterfare: Israel, Palestinians, and the Need for a New Hydro-Logic to Govern Water Rights under Occupation (2011) 44 NYU International Law and Politics, 182. [28] Centre on Housing Rights and Evictions, Policies of Denial: Lack of Access to Water in the West Bank (2008) 22. [29] BTselem, Thirsty For A Solution: The Water Crisis in the Occupied Territories and Its Resolution in the Final-Status Agreement (2000) 33. [30] Jeffrey D. Stein, Waging Waterfare: Israel, Palestinians, and the Need for a New Hydro-Logic to Govern Water Rights under Occupation (2011) 44 NYU International Law and Politics, 182. [31] BTselem, Thirsty For A Solution: The Water Crisis in the Occupied Territories and Its Resolution in the Final-Status Agreement (2000) 33. [32] Jeffrey D. Stein, Waging Waterfare: Israel, Palestinians, and the Need for a New Hydro-Logic to Govern Water Rights under Occupation (2011) 44 NYU International Law and Politics, 182. [33] Jeffrey D. Stein, Waging Waterfare: Israel, Palestinians, and the Need for a New Hydro-Logic to Govern Water Rights under Occupation (2011) 44 NYU International Law and Politics, 182. [34] Jeffrey D. Stein, Waging Waterfare: Israel, Palestinians, and the Need for a New Hydro-Logic to Govern Water Rights under Occupation (2011) 44 NYU International Law and Politics, 182. [35] World Bank, Assessment of and Restrictions on Palestinian Water Sector Development (2009) 52. [36] Hillel Shuval and Hassan Dweik, Water Resources In The Middle East (Springer-Verlag Berlin Heidelberg 2007)27. [37] Malvina Khoury, Construction and Rehabilitati on of Water Sources in Area C: An Overview of the Applicable Legal and Permit Regime (Norwegian Refugee Council 2013) 10. [38] Al Haq, Water for One People: Discriminatory Access and Water Apartheid in the OPT (2013) 17. [39] Malvina Khoury, Construction and Rehabilitation of Water Sources in Area C: An Overview of the Applicable Legal and Permit Regime (Norwegian Refugee Council 2013) 10.

Assignment on Industrial Relations, Bangladesh - 1076 Words

Executive Summary: Industrial relations is used to denote the collective relationships between management and the workers. Traditionally, the term industrial relations is used to cover such aspects of industrial life as trade unionism, collective bargaining, workers’ participation in management, discipline and grievance handling, industrial disputes and interpretation of labor laws and rules and code of conduct. The term industrial relations explain the relationship between employees and management which stem directly or indirectly from union-employer relationship. â€Å"Theoretical Framework† According to NCL (The National Commission on Labor), industrial relations affect not merely the interests of the two participants-†¦show more content†¦The causes of industrial disputes can be broadly classified into two categories: economic and non-economic causes. The economic causes will include issues relating to compensation like wages, bonus, allowances, and conditions for work, working hours, leave and holidays without pay, unjust layoffs and retrenchments. The non economic factors will include victimization of workers, ill treatment by staff members, sympathetic strikes, political factors, indiscipline etc. Wages and allowances: Since the cost of living index is increasing, workers generally bargain for higher wages to meet the rising cost of living index and to increase their standards of living. Personnel and retrenchment: The personnel and retrenchment have also been an important factor which accounted for disputes. Indiscipline and violence: It is evident that the number of disputes caused by indiscipline. Bonus: Bonus has always been an important factor in industrial disputes. Leave and working hours: Leaves and working hours have not been so important causes of industrial disputes. Miscellaneous: The miscellaneous factors include:- - Inter/Intra Union Rivalry - Charter of Demands - Work Load - Standing orders/rules/service conditions/safety measures - Non-implementation of agreements and awards etc. â€Å"Recommendation† There is a proverb, â€Å"Prevention is better than cure†.Show MoreRelatedEntrepreneurial Difficulties in Bangladesh1181 Words   |  5 Pages5/4/2013 5/4/2013 NAFIS IRTIZA, 1030711530 mGT 368, SECTION#2, NSU NAFIS IRTIZA, 1030711530 mGT 368, SECTION#2, NSU ASSIGNMENT ENTREPRENEURIAL DIFFICULTIES IN BANGLADESH ASSIGNMENT ENTREPRENEURIAL DIFFICULTIES IN BANGLADESH ABSTRACT Bangladesh is a developing nation with a lot of constraints and difficulties for entrepreneurs. One of the primary difficulties that entrepreneurs face is raising capital. 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The Global Fast-Food Industry Free Essays

Colonel Harland Sanders signed up his first franchise in Salt Lake City, Utah in 1952. In 1956 he sold the Corbin, Ky. restaurant he owned, and began traveling across the United States to sell new franchises. We will write a custom essay sample on The Global Fast-Food Industry or any similar topic only for you Order Now Later that year he sold his first international franchise in Canada. By 1960 there were more than 200 Colonel Sanders Recipe Kentucky Fried Chicken (KFC) outlets. In 1963 revenues were over $500 million and the number of outlets had increased to over 300. In 1974 at the age of 74, he sold the business to Jack Massey and John Brown for $2 million, one of the great bargains in business history. The Colonel stayed on with the company in a ceremonial role, often helping to open new franchises. Brown and Massey grew the business throughout the United States over the next several years and in 1966 took the company public, listing it on the New York Stock Exchange and the Colonel was allowed to purchase the first 100 shares. The year 1969 was a crucial one in the history of the company with the first major penetration into international markets outside North America by acquiring franchises in England and Japan. By 1971, there were more than 2400 franchises and 600 company-owned restaurants spread throughout the United States and 47 other countries. 1971 became another key year in company history with the sale of KFC to Heublein. This was Heublein†s first significant entry into the restaurant business and it did not go smoothly. By 1977 restaurant quality had declined and the Colonel was upset. Only about 20 new restaurants were being opened per year. In response, Heublein implemented a new strategy emphasizing clean restaurants, product consistency across franchises and better service. Old franchise buildings were remodeled. In 1982 R. J. Reynolds Inc. (RJR), in an attempt to diversify beyond the tobacco business, acquired Heublein for $1.2 billion. KFC was profitable and growing again, but Colonel Sanders never saw the end result of Heublein†s strategy in the late 1970†³s, because he died in 1980. RJR continued to run KFC as an autonomous business for several years. In 1985 it acquired Nabisco and in 1986, in preparation for the subsequent move to take RJR Nabisco private, it sold KFC to PepsiCo Inc. for $840 million, over the objections of former Heublein chairman, Stuart Watson. Also this year the Colonel Sanders Technical Center in Louisville, Kentucky was established. The acquisition by PepsiCo was a significant turning point in the company†s history. In previous acquisitions by Heublein and RJR, KFC had been operated as a separate entity, although in different ways. Heublein tried to use its own managers to operate KFC, while RJR adopted a completely hands off approach. PepsiCo was looking to the acquisition of KFC to create some synergy within its other operations. Recently restructured into three major divisions, soft drink, snack foods and restaurants, PepsiCo could cross-pollinate between divisions, for instance by selling its soft drinks in restaurants. PepsiCo†s culture was also much different than KFC. PepsiCo placed a strong emphasis on employee performance, while KFC†s culture was more laid-back in the southern tradition. In 1991 a change was made that was to have unintended consequences. Kentucky Fried Chicken decided to change their name to KFC for several reasons, according to the web site Snopes.com, A move to de-emphasize â€Å"chicken† because KFC planned to offer a varied menu that included other types of food. (The Boston Chicken corporation took the same approach for the same reason, changing their name of their retail food outlets to Boston Market.) A desire to eliminate the word â€Å"fried,† which has negative connotations to the increasingly health-conscious consumer market. A recent trend towards the abbreviation of long commercial titles, as demonstrated by other companies’ employing shortened forms of their names, such as The International House of Pancakes (IHOP) and Howard Johnson’s (HoJo). As a result of this name change, rumors later began circulating throughout the internet that the government had forced KFC to change its name because it was no longer using chickens. According to the rumor, KFC was producing a genetically altered chicken with more than the normal amount of appendages. In spite of the fact that some of these claims, such as chickens without beaks, feathers or feet, are beyond scientific capabilities, the rumors have persisted. Over the next several years, KFC continued to prosper and undergo changes. It refocused its strategy to increase the traffic in individual franchises by expanding the menu to appeal to a larger group of consumers. In 1993 the company added non-fried chicken to menus in the U.S. and Australia, and in 1994 KFC officially opened its 9,000th restaurant in the world, in Shanghai, China, and announced a $200 million investment over the next four years for 200 restaurants in 48 Chinese cities. 1995 saw the introduction of Colonel’s Crispy Strips and Chunky Chicken Pot Pie. The first KFC restaurant in Moscow was opened. In 1996 KFC introduced Tender Roast chicken pieces and brought back one of the world’s most recognized packages, the bucket, and in 1997 the company introduced Honey BBQ-flavored Tender Roast, Spicy Buffalo Crispy Strips and Chicken Twister, which are wrapped up chicken and vegetables. In spite of all these innovations and improvements, PepsiCo had become increasingly unhappy with the restaurant division. Aging facilities were requiring much of the parent company†s revenue to be spent on remodeling restaurants and thereby neglecting investment in the soft drink and snack food businesses. In an attempt to return to its roots, PepsiCo spun off the entire restaurant division into a publicly traded company, Tricon Global Restaurants in October 1997. In May 2002, with the acquisition of AW and Long John Silver’s, Tricon changed its name to Yum!. One of the main strategic issues presented in this case is the question of whether or not KFC should continue to expand globally and where. Since the early days of its inception, KFC has been involved outside the United States, having expanded to Canada in 1956 and then in a major move in 1969, to Japan and England. As of 2000, of the thirty-five largest fast-food chains, KFC was second only to McDonalds in the number countries penetrated. It is an arena where KFC has had enormous success and should continue to be involved. As of 2001 KFC had more than 500 outlets in China compared to only about 400 for McDonald†s. KFC beat McDonald†s to China by five years, opening their first outlet in Beijing in 1987. Market surveys in China by AC Nielson have indicated a preference for KFC over McDonald†s, both in terms of products and the outlets themselves. In addition, the Chinese have cultural bias in favor of chicken over beef. This is certainly an area where KFC should continue to exploit its advantage. Latin America is another global area where KFC has a strong presence. In the Central American, Caribbean and Mexican area, KFC is very competitive with McDonald†s and Burger King in terms of number of outlets. It has a particularly strong presence in Mexico and the Caribbean. Only in the Southern part of Latin America does KFC fall sharply behind McDonald†s. With the advent of the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA) the environment has changed in Mexico. A helpful factor is that one of KFC†s major suppliers, Tyson Foods, has major chicken facilities in Mexico. The political environment has changed with the election of Vicente Fox. KFC†s already strong presence should be expanded aggressively. They should also use this base in Mexico as a means of investing capital to further expand the franchise base throughout South America, in order to negate a first-mover advantage by McDonald†s and Wendy†s. Franchise outlets require less capital than company-owned restaurants, and are thus a quicker way in which to expand. Anther strategic issue facing KFC is the decision to franchise or expand by company-owned restaurants and whether to refranchise. The original strategy of Colonel Sanders and his immediate successors was to franchise and not build company-owned restaurants. This allowed them to grow quicker than they would have if KFC had primarily invested in company-owned restaurants. This strategy continued until the purchase of KFC by PepsiCo. Because of a clash in corporate culture between KFC and PepsiCo, and the presence of a strong franchisee group within KFC, PepsiCo embarked on a strategy of repurchasing weaker franchises and running them. At the time of the spin-off of KFC and the restaurant division into Tricon Restaurant Group in 1994, the percentage of company-owned restaurants was about 40%. After the spin-off, Tricon management began to divest of many of the company-owned outlets. This was the result of a change in attitude on the part of Tricon management. They did not believe in absolute control of all aspects of the local business and were willing to admit that the franchisees knew the local business better than they did. By the year 2000, the number of company-owned outlets had dropped to 27%. As shown in the SWOT analysis below, there are a number of factors in the external environment that KFC should consider when formulating and implementing strategies. Some of the more important aspects are brand name awareness, global market expansion, shrinking resources available to outlets and attacks by activist groups such as PETA. On the positive side, the brand name awareness is a tremendous asset for KFC. The move in 1996 to bring back the bucket was one of the best decisions in its history. Likewise, global market expansion presents an enormous opportunity to KFC to grow. They should build on their existing international base and continue to grow franchises. On the negative side, KFC, along with other fast-food companies, is facing a shrinking of the available potential outlet locations. The proliferation of fast-food outlets in this country has absorbed many of the prime locations. This is another reason to justify continued overseas expansion, where many prime spots remain. Just as potential locations have dwindled, so too has the labor pool. In spite of increased unemployment since 2000, there is still a problem attracting workers in the eighteen to twenty-four year old range. An interesting aspect of the external environment that has negatively impacted KFC has been the virulent attacks on KFC by People for the Ethical Treatment of Animals (PETA) and other similar groups. A number of celebrities have joined the campaign against KFC, which is focused on trying to force them to change the process of defeathering chickens. KFC has consistently refused to meet with the animal rights group for years, but because of concerns of losing market share in the inner city, has recently attempted to mediate this dispute through the offices of hip-hop mogul Russell Simmons and the Reverend Al Sharpton. Examining the list of top fifty U.S. fast-food restaurants for those sectors and companies that might be good investments we observe several companies that have a dominant position in their section. McDonald†s has a 35% market share among sandwich chains, Pizza Hut has a 44% share among pizza chains, KFC a 55% share among chicken chains, Golden Corral a 32% share among grill buffet chains and Dunkin† Donuts a 43% share among non-dinner concepts. Each of these companies would seem to be a good investment over the near term because of that dominant position in their sectors. In addition, financial data available for these companies confirm that the reason each is dominant in their sector is because they consistently produce above average financial returns. KFC continues to have a bright outlook for the future. It is well-positioned both domestically and international for continued growth. While it is unlikely ever to overtake McDonald†s, either in the domestic or overseas market, it is dominant in certain countries such as China and Mexico, and should be able to leverage this advantage to fend off other competitors, like Wendy†s and Burger King. Over the next five years look for KFC to have a strong number two position in the industry, particularly if it can address the problems with activist groups. How to cite The Global Fast-Food Industry, Essay examples

Social Work Teenager Deserve

Question: Discuss about The article on Teenagers deserve foster families too, but who will take them on? Answer: The article on Teenagers deserve foster families too, but who will take them on? discusses about the scenario of care provided to the children and young people in UK by the carers of foster families. The article basically evaluates the role and efforts made by fostering families to help the children and young people. The work done by fostering carers involves providing the family life for the children and young people who find it difficult to live with their parents. This service helps in providing temporary care also so that the children or young people as well as the parents can sort out their problems and can come out through the difficult phase of their lives (Tordon 2014). There is an option of returning back to the homes once their issues have been resolved. This is because it is only the parents who can look after them safely. There are certain key points which have been identified from this article. These include the problems related to specifically the placement of teenagers with foster carers with whom they are not able to relate comfortably in terms of their skills and abilities as they themselves are split from their siblings or families. The solution to this problem is not only the recruitment of more foster carers for the teenagers but also the need to develop the required skills and resilience with the help of proper training and support (Green et al. 2014). There is also a need for the development of innovative approaches to foster care as well as the programmes to provide training on increased safety for teenage girls as they are at an increased risk of sexual exploitation. References Green, JM, Biehal, N, Roberts, C, Dixon, J, Kay, C, Parry, E, Rothwell, J, Roby, A, Kapadia, D, Scott, S, Sinclair, I 2014, Multidimensional Treatment Foster Care for Adolescents in English care: randomised trial and observational cohort evaluation, The British Journal of Psychiatry, vol. 204, no. 3, 214-221. Tordon, R 2014, Improving foster childrens school performance, Adoption Fostering, vol. 38, 361-373.